Data walk reflections in locked-down London

Introduction: Of data walks and the pandemic

A little over 32 years ago, the alternative rock band R.E.M. released a song which prophetically imagined an apocalyptic world which people nonetheless quickly adjusted to, as they sang, ‘Its the end of the world as we know it and I feel fine’ (1987: Track 6). The song was popular in its time, but over the next three decades acquired a near-legendary status, regularly finding its way to doomsday playlists (CNET 2020). Its principal invocation, as history concomitantly reminds us, is that the phenomenological everyday of a catastrophe differs by populations and demographics. The 2020 Covid-19 pandemic has been no exception, bringing into sharp relief its variegated lived experiences as defined by class, religion, ethnicity, and boundaries, to name a few.

Inspired by Dr. Alison Powell’s data walking project, which intends to engender ‘discussions about data based in … [the] … experience of observing and moving through space’ (Data Walking 2020), I undertook a data walk of my own, by going for a midday run in Central London on 25 April 2020, well into the UK’s nationwide lockdown. At the time of my data run, as I like to call it, regulations mandated staying at home to prevent the spread of the Covid-19 virus. The government however, permitted daily exercise as a ‘reasonable excuse’ for stepping out, subject to the norms of social distancing (BBC 2020).

In this visual essay, I table my reflections in the context of the lockdown, both on the day of and leading up to my data run on 25 April. I use a mix of photographs and screenshots, whose captions assume a certain hermeneutic significance for my endeavour. In the end, I argue that there is a selective pluralism at play, which subcutaneously masquerades as resistance in the face of the deafening Foucauldian discourse on the pandemic.

My data run in images (and captions)

Conclusion: And I feel fine.

A principal insight from my data run, gestures at the contested social field of the Covid-19 pandemic. Locked-down London reverbates in a reality which is at odds with both itself, as well as with the pandemic, as it is imagined and embedded in the social everyday. The city’s streets and lanes are quiet, while its parks are defiantly buzzing with life. And while the several many are now having to stay home, there are some who cannot even if they hope to.

Staying at home is the news-and-media-fueled ‘power of the Norm’ (Foucault 1995 [1977]: 184), but people step out to sip a cup of coffee on the lawns, on the pretext of using their permitted quota of daily exercise. Foucault tells us that resistance is but another manifestation of power. Those frequenting the city’s parks rationalise their actions against the ontological yardstick of permitted daily exercise, and make sure that they are at least two meters away from the next person, thereby adhering to the social distancing guidelines. In this disregarding of the specific act, there is in a sense the parturition of the wholesome, individualized, and responsible pandemic citizen. And I advance that their individuality is hereby constructed in a governmentality (Foucault 1991: 102), which is brought into focus as they are nudged through an ensemble of messaging and signages to take on the responsibility for their own health. The disciplinary project of the pandemic is at once established in the everyday act of staying safe, contra being kept safe.

There is also, a manner of perpetuation of the colonial project in the pandemic, a continued othering which is intent on retaining the Radcliffe-Brownian ‘social roles’ (Kuper 1983: 53) from a pre-pandemic world. There is the underprivileged hourly wager, either earning her daily bread by delivering somebody else’s, or stocking the supermarket shelves. She has to go out, so that the large majority can stay home. And then there is the migrant worker beautifying the city’s pavements, in a pantomimic undertaking of late capitalism.

The reality of the virus in its lived experience, thus stands at odds with its representation online, in the media, and by the State. The pandemic exists in a perennial form of Deluezian multiplicities and becomings (Mansfield 2000: 143–146). As a discourse of knowledge, duty, and language, it is selective. As an embodied reality, it engenders a pluralism of ‘intersubjective … [and] … complex imbrications of subject and object, self and other’ (Desjarlais & Throop 2011: 89). I conclude then by arguing that what my data walk has thus revealed, is the fluidly logocentric, selectively pluralistic, and mixed realities which characterise the lifeworld of the Covid-19 pandemic in locked-down London.


BBC 2020. Coronavirus: What are social distancing and self-isolation rules? (available online:, accessed 25 April 2020).

CNET 2020. Coronavirus puts R.E.M.’s It’s the End of the World As We Know It on charts. (available online:, accessed 25 April 2020).

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DESJARLAIS, R. & J. THROOP 2011. Phenomenological Approaches in Anthropology. Annual Review of Anthropology, 40, 87–102.

FOUCAULT, M. 1991. Governmentality. In The Foucault Effect: Studies in Governmentality (eds) G. Burchill, C. Gordon, & P. Miller, 87–104. Hemel Hemstead & Chicago: Harvester Wheatsheaf and University of Chicago Press.

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